Essay on syria crimes

The officials acknowledged that the airstrikes were indiscriminate (a war crime), but said that the indiscriminate nature of the bombing was due to the inexperience of Saudi pilots and the difficulty of distinguishing enemy militants not wearing uniforms from the civilian population.

For centuries, sexual violence in conflict was tacitly accepted as unavoidable. A 1998 UN report on sexual violence and armed conflict notes that historically, armies considered rape one of the legitimate spoils of war. During World War II, all sides of the conflict were accused of mass rapes, yet neither of the two courts set up by the victorious allied countries to prosecute suspected war crimes — in Tokyo and Nuremberg — recognized the crime of sexual violence.

For the past decade or so, Africa has been the most volatile region, suffering from a disproportionate share of the world’s coups and insurgencies. But its recent history also includes a number of instances in which regimes installed by force have given way to elected civilian rule. In 2013, gains were noted in Mali, Madagascar, and Côte d’Ivoire, all of which were recovering from coups and civil conflicts. The past year also featured modest improvements for countries with authoritarian records, including Rwanda, Togo, and Zimbabwe. At the same time, there were declines for Zambia and Sierra Leone, which had been credited with promising reforms or openings in recent years.

Notable gains or declines:

Analysts better disposed to Asad tend to discount not just these meetings and a premeditated drive for power, but the sectarian factor more generally. John F. Devlin, for example, denies that the disproportion of 'Alawis in the army implies 'Alawi dominance of Syria. He would resist seeing "every domestic disagreement in terms of a Sunni-'Alawi clash." For him, the fact that 'Alawis are in power is basically accidental: "The Ba'th is a secular party, and it is heavy with minorities." Alasdair Drysdale calls it "reductionist" to focus on ethnicity, arguing that this is one of many factors - geographic, class, age, education, occupation - that define the ruling elite. According to Yahya M. Sadowski, "sectarian loyalties play an insignificant role in the Ba'th, and even confessional bonds are only one among many avenues by which patronage is extended."

“ will be expected to keep  closely  to the subject of the essay to arrange their ideas in orderly fashion , and to write concisely. Credit will be given for effective and exact expression.”

CAIR, for its part, dismisses all criticism , blaming negative comments on "Muslim bashers" who "can never point to something CAIR has done in its 10-year history that is objectionable." [13] Actually, there is much about the organization's history that is objectionable—and it is readily apparent to anyone who bothers to look.

"We were affected by the gas. We couldn't stand up," Veda Ajej, one of the survivors treated in a hospital in the Turkish town of Reyhanli, near the Syria border, told the Reuters news agency. 


essay on syria crimes

Essay on syria crimes

Analysts better disposed to Asad tend to discount not just these meetings and a premeditated drive for power, but the sectarian factor more generally. John F. Devlin, for example, denies that the disproportion of 'Alawis in the army implies 'Alawi dominance of Syria. He would resist seeing "every domestic disagreement in terms of a Sunni-'Alawi clash." For him, the fact that 'Alawis are in power is basically accidental: "The Ba'th is a secular party, and it is heavy with minorities." Alasdair Drysdale calls it "reductionist" to focus on ethnicity, arguing that this is one of many factors - geographic, class, age, education, occupation - that define the ruling elite. According to Yahya M. Sadowski, "sectarian loyalties play an insignificant role in the Ba'th, and even confessional bonds are only one among many avenues by which patronage is extended."

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